The First English Dictionary of Slang, 1699
The Classical Tradition
Six Books of Euclid
They do what they do.
Thinking about schools and peers and parent-child attachments....I came across one of my favorite posts .
"Infinite" is not a word you expect to find in a report on municipal spending. It's more of a science fiction–type term — Tremble, Earthling, before the infinite might of Galaxor! But there it was, in a recent report on San Francisco's finances: Spending on the city's employee retirement system in the past decade had grown at an "infinite" rate.I actually didn't even know there was such a thing as an infinite rate.
Naturally, that's an exaggeration. If you do the math, the city's retirement costs for employees in the past 10 years actually grew only 66,733 percent.
Still, you might call that a Galaxor-sized number.
In fiscal year 1999-2000, the city spent about $300,000 on its retirement system. In fiscal year 2009-10, it was $200.5 million. Benefits alone — not salaries, just benefits — for current and retired employees this year are budgeted at $993 million. Spending on retirees' health care and pensions is conservatively projected to triple within five years.
And after that? Infinite.
Let It Bleed
By Joe Eskenazi and Benjamin Wachs
Wednesday, Oct 20 2010
San Francisco Weekly News
"Early in 2008, we activated Berkshire Hathaway Assurance Company (“BHAC”) as an insurer of the tax-exempt bonds issued by states, cities and other local entities....BHAC has become not only the insurer of preference, but in many cases the sole insurer acceptable to bondholders. Nevertheless, we remain very cautious about the business we write and regard it as far from a sure thing that this insurance will ultimately be profitable for us...
The rationale behind very low premium rates for insuring tax-exempts has been that defaults have historically been few. But that record largely reflects the experience of entities that issued uninsured bonds. Insurance of tax-exempt bonds didn’t exist before 1971, and even after that most bonds remained uninsured.
A universe of tax-exempts fully covered by insurance would be certain to have a somewhat different loss experience from a group of uninsured, but otherwise similar bonds, the only question being how different. To understand why, let’s go back to 1975 when New York City was on the edge of bankruptcy. At the time its bonds – virtually all uninsured – were heavily held by the city’s wealthier residents as well as by New York banks and other institutions. These local bondholders deeply desired to solve the city’s fiscal problems. So before long, concessions and cooperation from a host of involved constituencies produced a solution. Without one, it was apparent to all that New York’s citizens and businesses would have experienced widespread and severe financial losses from their bond holdings.
Now, imagine that all of the city’s bonds had instead been insured by Berkshire. Would similar belt-tightening, tax increases, labor concessions, etc. have been forthcoming? Of course not. At a minimum, Berkshire would have been asked to “share” in the required sacrifices. And, considering our deep pockets, the required contribution would most certainly have been substantial.
Local governments are going to face far tougher fiscal problems in the future than they have to date. The pension liabilities I talked about in last year’s report will be a huge contributor to these woes. Many cities and states were surely horrified when they inspected the status of their funding at year-end 2008. The gap between assets and a realistic actuarial valuation of present liabilities is simply staggering.
When faced with large revenue shortfalls, communities that have all of their bonds insured will be more prone to develop “solutions” less favorable to bondholders than those communities that have uninsured bonds held by local banks and residents. "
As it turns out, our school district is using a controversial math curriculum called Everyday Mathematics, also known as "Reform Math." EM, as Everyday Mathematics is referred to by teachers, was developed by the University of Chicago, and according to their website, it is in use by about three million students nationwide. Here is one example of how simple addition "can" be performed using EM:

An example of what EM calls the "lattice method" for performing multiplication:

What becomes immediately clear is that several extra steps are now necessary to accomplish simple beeline computations. More steps will result in more errors -- only an idiot would claim otherwise. Eventually, EM students are taught four ways to add, five ways to subtract, four ways to multiply, and two ways to divide (traditional long division has been eschewed completely). Rote memorization is de-emphasized, and calculators (as well as estimating) are introduced in grade two.
Here is the basic rationale behind EM, directly from the University of Chicago website:
Research has shown that teaching the standard U.S. algorithms fails with large numbers of children, and that alternative algorithms are often easier for children to understand and learn. For this reason, Everyday Mathematics introduces children to a variety of alternative procedures in addition to the customary algorithms.
Links to or excerpts of said research are not provided -- we are to simply take these statements as fact. EM further claims to "make mathematics accessible to all students" by:
Incorporating individual, partner, and small group activities that make it possible for teachers to provide individualized feedback and assistance.
Encouraging risk-taking by establishing a learning environment that respects multiple problem solving strategies.
What's worse, the methods purportedly being used to convince school boards to adopt EM reek suspiciously of Rules for Radicals: *Never thought of these tactics in terms of Saul Alinsky
State that the traditional approach hasn't worked
Disparage testimony from those against the adoption as ideological and politically-motivated arguments
State that the success of any program depends on the teacher
Bring in teachers from affluent school districts as witnesses
Bring in a witness from a university
The top earner in Westchester County and the region, Scarsdale's Michael V. McGill, earns $372,006 in total compensation.Top-earner Scarsdale superintendent Michael V. McGill on our top students:
Source: Demand for quality school superintendents fuels high salaries
If you listen to people like Richard Elmore, who’s a teacher at Harvard, he says the very top top American kids are scoring about the 75th percentile on international studies. So we know our top performing kids are doing very well.Our very top students should be performing on par with Europe and Asia's very top students.
Source: A bully pulpit for the Superintendent of the Year | lohud blogs
If principals and other administrators are doing their jobs, they already know who the best and worse teachers are. One year, Brookline administered one form of the Iowa Test of Basic Skills in the fall to third graders and the state administered a different form of the same test in the spring. I calculated the mean gain score for each teacher and asked the Assistant Superintendent for Curriculum and Instruction to tell me which teachers would have the highest and lowest gain scores. She got the group of highest teachers exactly right and missed only one of the lowest. I would expect building-based administrators to do even better. More formal analysis confirms my experience (Murnane, 1975; Jacob and Lefgren, 2008).
Measurement Matters: Perspectives on Education Policy from an Economist and School Board Member (pdf file)
by Kevin Lang
One of the goals of No Child Left Behind is to increase the availability of data. Part of the implicit model underlying No Child Left Behind is that with improved information, parents will recognize good and bad schools. Principals will identify good and bad teachers. District administrators will identify weak and strong principals, and state administrators will recognize struggling school districts. Armed with this information, parents will choose with their feet, and the other actors will undertake the necessary reforms to improve education.
As an empirical economist I am, of course, sympathetic to the use of data, and as a school board member I pushed for more thorough evaluation of our programs. But the gap between the rhetoric and the ability to use education data effectively is large.
Few school districts have the resources to analyze statistical data in even remotely sophisticated ways. In the early days of the Massachusetts Comprehensive Assessment System (MCAS) tests, I visited the Assistant Superintendent for Curriculum and Instruction who was anxious to use the testing data to help Brookline address its achievement gap. The state Department of Education had provided each district with a CD with the complete results of each student’s MCAS test. In principle, it would be possible to pinpoint the exact questions on which the gap was greatest. The problem was that no one in the central administrative offices could figure out how to read the CD. I loaded the CD onto my laptop and quickly ascertained that the file could be read with Excel. Shortly thereafter, our Assistant Superintendent attended a meeting of her counterparts from the western (generally affluent) suburbs of Boston and discovered that Brookline was the only system that had succeeded in reading the CD. Districts have become somewhat more savvy about using data. A younger generation of administrators has more experience with computers, but relatively few would be able to link student report cards generated by the school district with SAT scores and the state tests.
Principals, district administrators, and even state-level administrators generally begin their careers as teachers, and relatively few teachers have strong backgrounds in statistical reasoning. In my experience, the people who rise to senior administrative positions in public education are smart. They understand in a general sense that estimates come with standard errors attached, but faced with a report that last year 43 percent and this year 56 percent of black students in fourth grade were profifi cient in math, few could tell you whether with 75 students each year, the change was statistically signifificant.
When I stepped down from the school board, one of my colleagues joked that they could all go back to treating correlation as causality. In education policy settings, one repeatedly hears statements like: “Students who take Algebra II in eighth grade meet the profifi ciency standard in grade ten. We must require all students to take Algebra II in eighth grade.” “Students taking math curriculum A and curriculum B get similar math SAT scores. The curricula are equally good.” “Students who are retained in grade continue to fall further behind. Retention is a bad policy.”2
School administrators may understand at some level that they are only looking at correlations, but almost none have the training to address the issue of causality, and faced with a correlation, they will often interpret it causally in the absence of evidence to the contrary. The capacity to address causality, weaknesses of various measures, and other strengths and weaknesses of statistics is very limited. The Public Schools of Brookline recently recruited for a Director of Data Management and Evaluation. Although school board members generally are not (and should not be) involved in personnel decisions other than those involving the Superintendent, in this specific case the Superintendent asked me to participate in the candidate interviews. Many of the candidates held or had held similar positions in other districts. I asked each candidate how we could decide whether a math curriculum used by some, but not all, of our students was effective. Many of the candidates did not think of this question in statistical terms at all. Only one addressed the issue of selection—and we hired him.
Measurement Matters: Perspectives on Education Policy from an Economist and School Board Member (pdf file)
by Kevin Lang
The Journal of Economic Perspectives (JEP) attempts to fill a gap between the general interest press and most other academic economics journals. The journal aims to publish articles that will serve several goals: to synthesize and integrate lessons learned from active lines of economic research; to provide economic analysis of public policy issues; to encourage cross-fertilization of ideas among the fields of thinking; to offer readers an accessible source for state-of-the-art economic thinking; to suggest directions for future research; to provide insights and readings for classroom use; and to address issues relating to the economics profession. Articles appearing in the journal are normally solicited by the editors and associate editors. Proposals for topics and authors should be directed to the journal office.
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